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Dr. L.A. Barrie ([email protected]) Dr. Liisa Jalkanen ([email protected]) Dr Slobodan Nickovic ([email protected])

GALION Co-chairs:

Dr. Gelsomina Pappalardo ([email protected]) Dr. Raymond Hoff ([email protected])

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List of Attendees


The Global Atmosphere Watch (GAW) aerosol programme (GAW, 2007) strives "to determine the spatio-temporal distribution of aerosol properties related to climate forcing and air quality up to multidecadal time scales". The specific objective of the GAW Aerosol Observation Network (GALION) is to provide the vertical component of this distribution through advanced laser remote sensing in a network of ground-based stations. The aerosol properties to be observed include the identification of aerosol layers, profiles of optical properties with known and specified precision (backscatter and extinction coefficients at selected wavelengths, ratio, Ångström coefficients), aerosol type (e.g. dust, maritime, fire smoke, urban haze), and microphysical properties (e.g., volume and surface concentrations, size distribution parameters, refractive index). Observations will be made with sufficient coverage, resolution, and accuracy to establish comprehensive aerosol climatology, to evaluate model performance, to assist and complement space-borne observations, and to provide input to forecast models of "chemical weather". THE RATIONALE FOR GROUND-BASED AEROSOL PROFILING

All main long-term objectives of GAW, as stated in the WMO Global Atmospheric Watch (GAW) Strategic Plan: 2008-2015 (GAW, 2007), are related to the 4-dimensional space-time distribution of aerosols, with different demands on measurement characteristics:

Background Literature:

GAW (2003) WMO/GAW Aerosol Measurement procedures guidelines and recommendations ( GAW Report 153 ) GAW (2004) The Integrated Global Atmospheric Chemistry Observations (IGACO) Report of IGOS-WMO-ESA (September 2004) ( GAW Report 159 ) GAW (2005) WMO/GAW Experts Workshop on a Global Surface-based Network for Long Term Observations of Column Aerosol Optical Properties (Davos, Switzerland, 8-10 March 2004) ( GAW Report 162 ) , 152 pp, November 2005. GAW (2007) WMO Global Atmosphere Watch (GAW) Strategic Plan: 2008 - 2015 ( GAW Report 172

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Thomas Piketty says Bernie Sanders’ electoral strategy is the way to beat back t

Thomas Piketty says Bernie Sanders’ electoral strategy is the way to beat back the right – Salon New paper explores how both parties were captured by the “elite,” leaving a politically rudderless underclass

Thomas Piketty says Bernie Sanders’ electoral strategy is the way to beat back the right – Salon New paper explores how both parties were captured by the “elite,” leaving a politically rudderless underclass


In a new paper, French political economist Thomas Piketty, author of the bestselling2013 book “Capital in the Twenty-First Century,” argues thatWestern political parties on the right and left have both become parties of the “elites.”

Yetthe 65-page paper from the notoriously punctilious economist — titled“Brahmin Left vs. Merchant Right: Rising Inequality the Changing Structure of Political Conflict” — is more surprising for the lessons it has for the political left in the Western world.Indeed, the left-populist wing ofWestern political parties, including the American progressive movement restarted by Bernie Sanders, has reason to celebrate: Piketty’s paperalignswith their somewhat counterintuitive strategy that shiftingthe Democratic Party platformmore to the left is actually a winning electoral strategy that can help bring backdisenfranchised working-class voters and less educated voters who currently may not vote at all or identify with right-wing populism.

“Using post-electoral surveys from France, Britain and the US, this paper documents a striking long-run evolution in the structure of political cleavages,” Piketty writes in the abstract. He goes on to explain thepolitical changes that have happened since the 1950s and 1960s, when “the vote for left-wing (socialist-labour-democratic) parties was associated with lower education and lower income voters” — in other words, the Labour Party of the United Kingdom, the Socialist Party of France and the Democratic Party of the United States were considered parties that supported and helpeddestitute and less-well-educated voters.

Yet over time, those parties, Piketty explains, “gradually become associated with higher education voters,” which he describes as creating a system of “multiple-elite” parties where “high-education elites now vote for the ‘left,’ while high-income/high-wealth elites still vote for the ‘right’ (though less and less so).” In other words,both sides of the spectrum became parties of the elite, with no party for less educated folks or the working class.


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